https://grossnationaldistress.com Gross National Distress Thu, 08 May 2025 15:47:39 +0000 https://grossnationaldistress.com en https://grossnationaldistress.com/Note Tue, 06 May 2025 08:50:47 +0000 Gross National Distress https://grossnationaldistress.com/Note Note Gross National Distress is a research-led inquiry initiated by 3l33 that revisits the phenomenon of spirit possessions in 1970s Singapore. The project situates these metaphysical disruptions against the aggressive economic and political backdrop of the nation’s rapid industrialisation. The first half of this website provides the critical framework and motivations behind the research. A primary focus is the state’s promotion of “productivity consciousness”—a strategic campaign designed to internalize industrial discipline within the workforce. This historical foundation informs a series of works that both obliquely and directly reflect on the structures governing factory life. Drawing from literary sources that challenge traditional perceptions of labour, the project also foregrounds the human element. It features oral histories and personal recollections from three individuals—Zainab Mahmood, Nadia Florman, and Azfar Sidek—whose lived experiences offer varying narratives and sentiments towards industrial history. The second half of the site serves as a laboratory for audiovisual experimentation. Through the moving image and multidisciplinary art-making, these works translate the research into a sensory experience. These experiments are not merely supplementary; they are essential interventions designed to facilitate a more coherent, immersive vision of a workforce navigating the pressures of the "graveyard shift." https://grossnationaldistress.com/Introduction Tue, 06 May 2025 10:09:13 +0000 Gross National Distress https://grossnationaldistress.com/Introduction <img width="512" height="512" width_o="512" height_o="512" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/8dfe5c9d76b33c685c0a176268d066de0ee697dace2e816a05dc5b63110f87a3/introccc.png" data-mid="232952379" border="0" data-no-zoom="true" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/512/i/8dfe5c9d76b33c685c0a176268d066de0ee697dace2e816a05dc5b63110f87a3/introccc.png" /> <img width="512" height="512" width_o="512" height_o="512" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/33c9cde3e21c8174707f7900b563e633326abf8cfaf3a980f661629d65f695c5/introA.png" data-mid="232952243" border="0" data-no-zoom="true" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/512/i/33c9cde3e21c8174707f7900b563e633326abf8cfaf3a980f661629d65f695c5/introA.png" /> <img width="512" height="512" width_o="512" height_o="512" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/fb62ce86335273149cc0447b268247815d193dfa51e5131029d613b4ce3a83f4/introC.png" data-mid="232952338" border="0" data-no-zoom="true" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/512/i/fb62ce86335273149cc0447b268247815d193dfa51e5131029d613b4ce3a83f4/introC.png" /> Introduction The starting point of this research is a haunting image of docility transformed: cackling, screaming, and resisting the relentless flow of the assembly line. In early 1973, female workers at a television assembly plant in Singapore were struck by episodes of Mass Psychogenic Illness (MPI). While some fell into trances, others succumbed to fainting and fits of screaming—a phenomenon now viewed by many as a latent, somatic solution to factory tensions that had no other outlet. At the time, Singapore was a burgeoning nation aggressively implementing an industrialisation program designed to entice foreign investment. The state’s primary offering was a disciplined, low-wage labor force. To ensure the success of this strategy, policies were enacted that prioritized corporate incentives over labor rights, aiming to solve mass unemployment through labor-intensive manufacturing. For this economic engine to function, workers were required to internalise what the state termed “productivity consciousness.” Deemed vital for national survival, this mindset demanded the maximization of output and the ruthless elimination of "waste" and "inefficiency." Tasked with reshaping the very psyche of the workforce, unions became instruments of this behavioral shift. In response to this history, I have devised a web of methodologies—matchmaking archival imagery, reconstructing historical fragments, and conducting oral interviews.&nbsp; This website introduces the reader to three core concepts that map the convergence of labour and the subconscious: Productivity Consciousness: A term coined by the National Productivity Board of Singapore to instill an acute awareness of labor efficiency. We examine the specific strategies used to embed this consciousness within the management and the rank-and-file.Mass Psychogenic Illness (MPI): Using a socio-psychological framework, this research investigates these "outbreaks" not as medical failures, but as meaningful responses to the industrial environment.Gross National Distress (GND): Here, the research takes a speculative turn. The term was originally used facetiously by C.V. Devan Nair (then Secretary-General of the NTUC and later President of Singapore) to describe the "distress" that would be felt if GDP growth failed to track with wages.&nbsp; The heart of this project lies in the relationship between Productivity Consciousness and MPI. I propose that these findings be categorised under the reclaimed banner of Gross National Distress. Through the lens of artistic practice, GND posits that MPI was a pioneering, albeit involuntary, method for expressing unvoiced tensions. By synthesizing research on negotiation, imagination, and presentation, GND evolves into a "living organism" that cultivates expressions of the unspoken. Industrial Realizations to Experiences of a Friend: These sections address the primary research inquiries and historical findings.Gross National Distress to Graveyard Shift Girls: These sections present these inquiries through a series of experimental audiovisual works. https://grossnationaldistress.com/Industrial-realisations-and-the-transformation-of-social-political Thu, 08 May 2025 13:35:11 +0000 Gross National Distress https://grossnationaldistress.com/Industrial-realisations-and-the-transformation-of-social-political Industrial realisations and the transformation of social political landscapes This section began with curiosity about the industrial history of Singapore. Knowledge on this subject matter is unavoidable especially in relation to the research interests. Being a former colony of the British empire, Singapore was never envisioned as an independent state. Despite being a hub of economic activity due to its location and port, it was deemed economically unviable to rely solely on those factors. One of the proposed solutions was merger with Malaya. Malaya which became Malaysia in 1963 attained full independence from the British colonial government in 1957. The merger was a failure and after two years,1963-1965, Singapore became an independent nation state. In April 1961, the governing body of Singapore had already put into motion the State of Singapore Development plan 1961-1964. The goals of this plan were to create jobs for Singapore’s growing population, while expanding the economy through industrialisation. There was near consensus on expediting the industrialisation process as Euston Quah points out that “at the time, nearly all contemporary theories of economic development were recommending rapid industrialisation as the first step towards economic growth. Therefore, the decision of Singapore to focus on industrialisation seems like a step in keeping with this conventional counsel.”1 Internally, mass unemployment was an issue that needed to be solved. This was due to a rapidly growing population after the war that ended in 1945. According to Lee Soo Ann, “the post-war scene was consequently dominated by fears of how a rapidly growing population could be accommodated on a small island, more specifically in terms of catering to the needs of a high proportion of dependents and to the subsequent desire for employment by these same dependents when they grew up.”2 This notion is further corroborated in the book,&nbsp;Theatres of Memory. “To policymakers, socio-economic issues such as population growth underpinned the political turmoil and industrial unrest in post-war Singapore.”3 This led to the government adopting industrialisation as a means to boost employment opportunities and economic growth. Unemployment was not seen as a problem before the war because migrants saw their stay in Singapore as temporary. However, as workers decided to settle down and children were being born in the country, the idea of returning seemed less feasible. Individuals who first came as transient workers were starting to embrace Singapore as their newly adopted home. In addition to acquiring capital, Singapore had to gain expertise and technical knowledge of manufacturing from nations that were already developed. This mostly meant the western states.Three non-governmental organisations concerned with development - the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development(IBRD) or World Bank, the Colombo Plan for technical cooperation and the United Nations divisions for development and technical expertise&nbsp; - were important to Singapore as these organisations emphasized economic and technical cooperation. The UNDP and Colombo plan were keen to prevent Singapore from turning into a communist state and this led to experts from these organisations recommending capitalist forms of development. The proposals of the World Bank did not prove to be of much use. The United Nations Division for development and technical expertise was the most effective in helping to devise Singapore’s economic plans.&nbsp; The Dutch economic advisor, Albert Winsemius, who was part of the UN mission survey team is often credited with being one of the brains behind Singapore’s economic success. His report A Proposed Industrialisation Programme for the State of Singapore(The Winsemius Report) acted as the main economic plan in the 1960s in tandem with the original development plan. Albert Winsemius emphasized the need for a crash programme to alleviate the immediate issue of unemployment because the ten year industrialization programme which could not be expected to immediately create its full impact. He was convinced that Singapore had to manufacture for the global market rather than the local. This included the western nations and other parts of Asia. In light of this proposal, the Economic Development Board was set up in 1961 to seek new markets while also persuading foreign capital to invest. Lee Soo Ann highlights the importance of the EDB which had two primary functions - “to make a success of industrial promotion and to be the instrument of the government’s direct participation in industrial activity.”4 This was in line with another proposition by Albert Winsemus which was that industrialisation had to be led by foreign capital instead of state capital. He believed that the state’s main role was to engineer a conducive environment for the stabilisation of labour and capital. He was optimistic as he mentioned in his report that “Singapore has the basic assets for industrialisation. Her greatest asset is the high aptitude of her people to work in manufacturing industries. They can be ranked among the best factory workers in the world.”5 With this in mind, Singapore was ready to propel itself into the world market by transforming parts of the country into industrial estates. The first area to be completely transformed was Jurong. Originally a “swampland” that was “littered with villages and crocodile rivers”, Jurong laid the foundation for how Singapore would accomplish the goals of its industrial plans. Jurong was a huge undertaking as the government had no experience in building an industrial zone from almost nothing. According to Loh Kah Seng, the project could only be accomplished with the help of a Japanese engineer, Y. Yanagisawa and his team of six who endorsed the prospects of heavy industry and believed in its success. Loh Kah Seng also mentions that “Jurong took shape according to a system of zoned development”6&nbsp; which was the demarcation of a piece of land for one type of development only. Heavy industry that comprised iron, steel works, shipyards, chemical and petrochemicals was to be sited along the coasts while light industries such as food, paint and garments could be located closer to the housing areas of the first neighbourhood. Factories were also being built in other residential areas to accommodate the wider population. These factories resembled the social housing flats built by the HDB(Housing Development Board) and housed mostly light industries. This strategy effectively tapped into the labour pool that was available in these housing estates. Women workers were now initiated into the workforce as they made up the bulk of labour in these light industry factories. Not only was the physical landscape altered to pave the way for these industrial aspirations, the social political landscape was also due for a makeover to suit the new era of industrial and capital relations. Besides economic advice, Albert Winsemius also recommended two political suggestions to the Prime Minister. The first being to “eliminate the communists”. “As an economist, I’m not interested what you do to them, you can throw them in jail, you can throw them out of the country, you can even kill them.”7 “If you don’t eliminate them in government, in unions, in the streets,&nbsp; forget about economic development. This part better be taken out but for history’s sake you don’t care to do it.”8 At this point in Singaporean history, there was also a lot of labour unrest due to exploitation of the working masses by employers of the time. Trade unions had to fight tenaciously to achieve concessions for workers. The climate of Singapore’s social and political landscape matched its sweaty weather due to “militant unionism” as retroactively claimed by the government. These “fighting machines”9 were also gaining traction in the political scene. On his first visit to Singapore as part of the United Nations survey mission, Albert Winsemius claimed that, “It was bewildering. There were strikes about nothing. There were communist-inspired riots almost everyday and everywhere.”10 At the time, the People’s Action Party was composed of two factions: the leftists and the moderates. Members of the left leaning faction were accused of having ties to the communists and consistently blamed for inciting disruptive action. This resulted in the left faction forming a new party, Barisan Socialis. The two competing political factions formed different associations to address labour concerns. The left leaning Barisan Socialis which was led by Lim Chin Siong formed SATU(Singapore Association of Trade Unions) while the “moderate” People’s Action Party formed NTUC(National Trade Union Congress). The NTUC was under the care of C.V.Devan Nair. Simultaneous to was this little thing called “Operation Coldstore”. The main goal of this operation was to “cripple communist activity”. This was to supposedly bring order and stability to the state because it was believed that communists were responsible for inciting unrest amongst workers and students. Alleged “pro-communists” were rounded up under the Preservation of Public Safety Ordinance(PPSO). Members of the Barisan Socialis including Lim Chin Siong bore the brunt of this crackdown. SATU was also banned as a result of this crackdown leaving NTUC to be the sole association for labour concerns. This was of course not by coincidence that the fall of Barisan Socialis and SATU were simultaneously orchestrated.&nbsp; Albert Winsemius laments that “it’s to a certain extent a pity that these people, enthusiastic people with a feeling for their fellow human beings, with high intellectual, often organisational capacities got lost for Singapore.”11 The Charter for Industrial Progress was then put in place in 1965 to ensure that there was a “common conviction that the future and well being of the people of the State depends primarily on the continuing expansion of its economy through accelerated industrial growth.”12 Under “Negotiations and Arbitration” of “A Productivity Code of Practice for Trade Unions and Manufacturing Industries” , it is mentioned that “In case of disputes, both the trade union and employer will refrain from taking any industrial action and will endeavour to refer jointly to arbitration any dispute which cannot be settled through direct negotiation or conciliation.”13 Considering how the ruling party is called People’s Action Party, it’s quite amusing how “action” is not encouraged in industrial settings. This has also clarified something for me. The absence of “action” tends to render unions somewhat invisible. Under “Cooperation Machinery”, joint productivity consultative councils were set up to provide guidance and promotion of productivity to enterprises employing over fifty employees. The council was represented by four individuals from management and labour respectively. Through this initiative, cooperation becomes intrinsic to the infrastructure of labour-management relations. Albert Winsemius also famously says, “If the cooperation (between the unions, employers and state) does not come about, labour will suffer for it. Capital can go to other countries as it has already done. Enterprise can escape as it has done in the last few years.”14 In 1968, two labour laws were passed. The employment act and the industrial relations act. The employment act standardised terms and conditions of employment. According to the TV programme created by the Singapore Broadcast Corporation in 1988, Diary of a Nation, the employment act entailed Curtailing the right of unions to strike Giving the employer sole rights to hire and fire Increasing working hours Reducing of overtime, leave and retirement benefits The Industrial Relations (amendment) Act excluded certain issues such as recruitment, dismissal and retrenchment, from collective bargaining and specified new procedures for labour negotiation and conflict resolution. Promotion, transfer, recruitment, retrenchment, dismissal, reinstatement and allocation of duties are made non negotiable in favour of the employer. The unions’ agreement to these new constraints in the employment act and industrial relations act helped create a framework for industrial peace. Survival was also a major selling point. In this sense, workers and their representatives had to cooperate for their own well being and interests. The second primary thing that Albert Winsemius advised the Prime Minister on was to “let (the statue of) Stamford Raffles stand where he stands.”15 Stamford Raffles is a British national who is credited as being the founding father of modern Singapore. The reason for this is so “Singapore accepts colonial heritage and manifestation of goodwill and trust between Singapore and its colonists and other countries in the west. Singapore was not taking the nationalist approach.”16 This was potentially tricky because the “fabian socialist” governing body had to balance residual anti-colonial tendencies with this supposed embrace of “colonial heritage”. The task of nation building was just as crucial as the growth of industry and it was a fragile task due to the different political factions.&nbsp; As a nation that was hoping to be librated from past oppressive forces, embracing “colonial heritage” would not reflect well against the climate of revolutionary sentiments. Perhaps S Rajaratnam who was the Minister of Labour stated the position of the government quite aptly as he addressed the implementation of the Industrial Relations (amendment) and employers act in 1968. “Old slogans, old cries, old attitudes of twenty years ago have become irrelevant. The major objective to which all other issues should be subordinated is this. It is not the redistribution of wealth but the creation of wealth that should be our major and relentless concern.”17 1. Quah, Euston et al. Albert Winsemius and Singapore: Here It Is Going to Happen. World Scientific, 2022. 2. Lee, Soo Ann. Industrialization in Singapore. Camberwell, Vic. : Longman Australia, 1973. 3.Loh Kah Seng, et al. Theatres of Memory: Industrial Heritage of 20th Century Singapore. Ethos Books, 2022. 4. Lee, Soo Ann. Industrialization in Singapore. Camberwell, Vic. : Longman Australia, 1973.5. United Nations, A Proposed Industrialisation Programme for the State.&nbsp;United Nations Commissioner for Technical Assistance, Department of Economics and Social Affairs 1963. 6. Loh Kah Seng, et al. Theatres of Memory: Industrial Heritage of 20th Century Singapore. Ethos Books, 2022. 7. Singapore Oral History Unit, interview with Albert Winsemius, 30 Aug-3 Sep 1982. 8. Singapore Oral History Unit, interview with Albert Winsemius, 30 Aug-3 Sep 1982. 9. NTUC (National Trade Union Congress) May Day Rally, 1968. 10. Tamboer, Kees, Albert Winsemius: ‘founding father of Singapore’, 1996.11. Singapore Oral History Unit, interview with Albert Winsemius, 30 Aug-3 Sep 1982. 12. Woon Kin Chung, and Loo Ya Lee. 50 Years of Singapore’s Productivity Drive. World Scientific, 26 Dec. 2017. 13. Woon Kin Chung, and Loo Ya Lee. 50 Years of Singapore’s Productivity Drive. World Scientific, 26 Dec. 2017. 14. United Nations, A Proposed Industrialisation Programme for the State. United Nations Commissioner for Technical Assistance, Department of Economics and Social Affairs 1963. 15. Singapore Oral History Unit, interview with Albert Winsemius, 30 Aug-3 Sep 1982.16. Singapore Oral History Unit, interview with Albert Winsemius, 30 Aug-3 Sep 1982. 17. Diary of a Nation (SBC 1988) - 15 August 1968: Changes in Labour Laws. https://grossnationaldistress.com/Novelty-of-factory-labour Thu, 08 May 2025 13:57:15 +0000 Gross National Distress https://grossnationaldistress.com/Novelty-of-factory-labour Novelty of factory labour I had the idea to show former factory workers a state sanctioned short film directed by filmmaker Wee Li Lin in celebration of a generation of workers labelled as the Merdeka(liberation) generation. The intention was to consider how they felt about it and whether the film reflected their experiences or otherwise. The short film portrays a worker sacrificing her studies to generate income for her family through factory labour. <img src="https://lh7-rt.googleusercontent.com/docsz/AD_4nXdx8fTS9geYRGxOIngyndizc9MfnPkEVKrx26ILjXit5OSeYb3W8YZfE_KEVD6ywk5E1BDHzfzC7I7qqMPZiuqm7eeQGbK6T9oxy6WXQUL3WPkMhcVngn-UtDQmB8-_FgYnCvXT?key=o5NpmlPeTUem_FiIVmtwMPk7" width="624" height="351" style="width: 512.094px; height: 288.053px;"> <img src="https://lh7-rt.googleusercontent.com/docsz/AD_4nXfG1_cmjr6XX7mXcMo-Tlc-IG9LIDb1gxF1hSjZ-HU7FrfJzHnGGymRG6nz1NLbfd3eYLYQmKMji7MsTxHQ3vh1rvFDI-dteNPuHbLyoaC0gL-LU_3I1C0wp7gKiEJ0TJ0yIhvXdw?key=o5NpmlPeTUem_FiIVmtwMPk7" width="624" height="351" style="width: 512.094px; height: 288.053px;"> <img src="https://lh7-rt.googleusercontent.com/docsz/AD_4nXcAjLpABzQxVBI_B9n6bZjgXkHXU5d8SIWLPNaQ7iYa54tLzZFAPrq6MA4ZOIWcBy7SbwDN0Ni1LMIZ-Z5kwtw-ggbtnMO9w5mn0t1-G-xlOqoGw0EVTpnnfC3ZB2-m-8GxsQEcDw?key=o5NpmlPeTUem_FiIVmtwMPk7" width="624" height="351" style="width: 512.094px; height: 288.053px;"> Like many other things in the research initiator’s life, that idea did not materialise. However, I did manage to show this to the main researcher of the book Theatres of Memory, Loh Kah Seng. He responded by pointing out the fact that workers who were mostly women felt more excitement than dread about entering the workforce, “in my interviews, what came out most was the excitement of working in a factory - which is opposite of the initial reaction in the film. There would have been women who had to forgo their studies to work but they would have been the minority. Joining a factory and getting regular wages was very new and exciting in the 60s and 70s. Economic power and social power.“Former factory worker Zainab Mahmood who is part of the merdeka generation speaks about assembling radios for the Dutch company Phillips when she was 17. She worked at the factory for 13 years and then took a break to provide care for her firstborn before working at other companies like Seagate and Hitachi. At Seagate, she was part of the quality control team that ensured the functionality of the hard disks. She shared how she was happy at work because she was with her friends. She also mentioned that time went very fast because the work was very busy and intriguing to her. &nbsp; Zainab’s enthusiasm is not not entirely shared by Nadia Florman who worked at the factories on a contractual basis and was not permanent staff. She is also not part of the Merdeka generation and worked at the factories during the early 2000s. She worked in the factories sporadically during her school holidays and when she neded the income. Nadia Florman mentions how her mother was “bored out of her mind” at home and found factory work to be a productive way to have some time away from home. Having acquired a degree of financial autonomy, her mother could also provide financially for the children sometimes. This point is also mentioned by Loh Kah Seng as he states that “for many of these workers, assembly lines and production floors were places of opportunity and a social life beyond the household. This helped transcend the daily monotony of routine assembly-line production.”1 Here are some advertisements in newspapers in the 1970s at the time calling for for female workers to join the factory workforce. <img width="512" height="512" width_o="512" height_o="512" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/56fa35e0dc2c8efa41b0ca90752eccf0bbdecd44610a944d17ac8682fa5eb5b1/women-ad-1.png" data-mid="232954197" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/512/i/56fa35e0dc2c8efa41b0ca90752eccf0bbdecd44610a944d17ac8682fa5eb5b1/women-ad-1.png" /> <img width="512" height="512" width_o="512" height_o="512" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c75a4db43d476328cea9af40ec934b3ba69c09d47cc4c013c3344435ccaf7c3b/woman-ad-2.png" data-mid="232954198" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/512/i/c75a4db43d476328cea9af40ec934b3ba69c09d47cc4c013c3344435ccaf7c3b/woman-ad-2.png" /> <img width="512" height="512" width_o="512" height_o="512" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/dc6f8a1afca529f06dd9efe373b5820ddeeaf98a3e225d9f9f9e3003bef09419/woman-ad-3.png" data-mid="232954249" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/512/i/dc6f8a1afca529f06dd9efe373b5820ddeeaf98a3e225d9f9f9e3003bef09419/woman-ad-3.png" /> In the 1970s, due to rapid industrialisation and&nbsp; accumulation of foreign capital, Singapore was able to expand its industrial base to create new sources of employment. The strategy worked so well that women were also being coerced to join the labour market. In addition to work at the factory, domestic labour was still very much part of most women’s lives. Work in the household was now an addition to work in the commercial space. Certain commercial spaces in the manufacturing industry sought after women more than men. One could say that these commercial spaces would not be able to exist to the extent that they do without women. Women ineivitably dominated certain sectors of manufacturing as emphasized by Linda Lim, “the exclusive demand of electronics multinationals for female labour induced a new supply of such labour, facilitated by host country conditions and host government policies in a number of ways”.2 In Singapore, flatted factories which were located in housing estates gave these (Multinational Corporations)MNCs “access to a ready pool of labour”. Wages for women were also lower than men because women were seen as secondary income earners. Zainab Mahmood reaffirms this notion as she states that income from factory labour was not enough to sustain a household and functions as extra allowance for the family. Under patriarchal structures of control, socialised characteristics such as patience and deference that are often misattributed to women were also viewed to be more productive traits for the manufacturing industry. According to Vivian Lin,&nbsp;“the concentration of women in electronics is no mere coincidence”, because of certain “feminine traits” that women inherently possess. “Women have nimble fingers, agile hands, and keen eyesight. They are considered to be more efficient and careful than men. Their dextrous skills are believed to be derived from experience in needlework and other domestic chores; therefore they are considered well suited for labor-intensive jobs that focus on fine detail.”3 Aihwa Ong points out the supposedly symbiotic relationship between electronics manufacturing and female factory workers “Within international capitalism, this notion of women's bodies renders them analogous to the status of the computer chips they make. Computer chips, like "oriental girls," are identical, whether produced in Malaysia, Taiwan, or Sri Lanka. For multinational corporations, women are units of much cheap labor power repackaged under the "nimble fingers" label.”4 Firms also chose female workers over male workers because the docility of female workers makes them more productive workers while also reduces the risk of labour disruptions. Chung Yuen Kay mentions the two forms of pressure as factory operators faced as they performed their required tasks: insecurity of their position at work and the lack of agency. “The rules and regimentation, the depersonalisation, fulfilled symbolic and material purposes of ‘managing’ people in accepting the ‘facticity’ of social control within the factory.”5 In a similar vein to this notion, Aihwa Ong proposes that the “induced docility of factory women sprang from a practical assessment of their insecure position within the labour market and their powerlessness to change it.”6 In addition to gender, MNC firms also showed preference for hiring certain communities over others. In one case, this was due to the reason that Malay girls were considered to be “easier to manage” than choosy, difficult, “trouble-making Chinese girls”7, and thus often made more productive workers. The operators would also leave school around the age of fifteen to join wage work and this according to Chung Yuen Kay would make them more susceptible to regimentation. The continuity of discipline implemented by the school system also benefits the factory. In this way, non-autonomous behaviour functions to serve as a means of productivity. Other strategies such as fringe benefits were also initiated to help labour-management relations and indirectly improve productivity. These benefits were mostly “feminized” to supposedly hold the interest of the workers. Linda Lim raises the point that, “many fringe benefits are also geared towards “feminine” interests of the vast majority of the workers, for example, cooking classes, dance lessons, make-up and fashion classes, even beauty contests.”8 “Industrial indoctrination” and “anxiety reduction” orientation programmes were also meant to shape worker’s attitude while also providing “care”. Certain American companies also have a “counselling and human relations officer” to deal with the issues faced by the workers. Japanese companies often had assemblies before each shift where workers would join together in singing the company song, shout slogans and do mass exercises and calisthenics. Linda Lim also mentions the mechanism of cooperation that is the practice of Singapore unions. “From the employers’ point of view, it was preferable not to have unions at all. Where unions existed, government controlled unions such as those in Singapore were to be preferred.”9 Firms were also able to “win the hearts” of workers who did not believe that the union would be effective in providing adequate support. The supposed “symbiotic relationship” between the state and the trade unions might have been a possible reason to arouse the suspicion of workers.&nbsp; “In one particular company, workers rejected forming a union four times because workers are paid higher wages and treated well so morale is high.” It was speculated that “workers recognise government-sponsored unions for what they are and reject them because they have no credibility as workers’ representatives.”10 Workers were also put into precarious positions due to the employment act. Firms could decide how to manage efficiency through the hiring or firing of workers. Some took advantage of the financial crisis of 1973 to retrench surplus labour.&nbsp; “The recession fortuitously provided them with an “excuse” to lay off workers who would have been made redundant anyway by the introduction of automation(capital-labour substitution), new products and processes, and shifting of labour-intensive operations from Singapore to cheaper neighbouring countries.”11 Despite entry into modernity through the industrialised world, workers were still subjected to similar hierarchical systems based on patriarchal systems and assumptions of gender biases.&nbsp; “All multinationals accept traditional attitudes towards women when they justify giving women lower wages and expecting greater deference to authority and conscientiousness in work from them. Even the “modern” labour practices and cultural influences introduced by multinationals are often tools for the exploitation of women in the factory, as manipulation of so-called “feminine” habits and proclivities in ways which enable the employers to extract higher output from them at lower wages.”12 1. Loh Kah Seng, et al. Theatres of Memory: Industrial Heritage of 20th Century Singapore. Ethos Books, 2022.2. Lim, Linda. Women Workers in Multinational Corporations. 1978. 3. Lin, Vivian. Health, Women’s Work, and Industrialization. 1986.4. Ong, Aihwa. “The Production of Possession: Spirits and the Multinational Corporation in Malaysia.” American Ethnologist, vol. 15, no. 1, 1988.5. Chung, Yuen Kay. Negotiating Target. 1 Jan. 1988. 6. Ong, Aihwa. “The Production of Possession: Spirits and the Multinational Corporation in Malaysia.” American Ethnologist, vol. 15, no. 1, 1988. 7-12. Lim, Linda. Women Workers in Multinational Corporations. 1978. https://grossnationaldistress.com/Productivity-as-a-national-concern Thu, 08 May 2025 14:52:57 +0000 Gross National Distress https://grossnationaldistress.com/Productivity-as-a-national-concern Productivity as a national concern Productivity at the most basic level is defined as the relationship between output and input. Before trying to understand productivity consciouseness, I needed to first understand Singapore’s relationship with productivity. Due to the state’s stance on wealth creation, productivity played a key role in achieving that objective. According to Woon Kin Chung and Loo Ya Lee, “The determinants of productivity and the reasons for its importance apply as much at the enterprise level as they do at the economy level. High productivity growth enables an enterprise to price its products competitively, sell more and enlarge its market share. As a result, its wealth will increase over time, which means that higher profit can be made and higher wages can be paid at the same time without compromising profit.”1 Since there is a limit to which labour can grow, labour productivity is critical to GDP growth in the long run. Small countries such as Singapore rely heavily on the productivity of the labour force because of its limited resources. This is why Singapore has initiated several policies and plans to ensure the continued growth of productivity levels. As mentioned in the Winsemius Report, “since the export industries will be producing quality products for the international market, the investment policy will have to aim at high productivity” and this could be achieved “through the usually long process of increasing productivity or through the introduction of shift systems.”2 This might have kickstarted Singapore’s love affair with productivity which began in 1967 after the National Productivity Centre was established. The centre had five goals. To promote productivity consciousness in management, trade union leaders and workers.To provide training facilities for management and trade union personnel in all productivity techniques, including general management, personnel management, supervisory training, management accounting, and industrial engineering. Foster the further development of good industrial relations by training. To render management consultancy services in the fields of general management, personnel management, supervisory development.3 Under the promotion programme section of A Productivity Code of Practice, Trade unions are to undertake the task of promoting “productivity consciousness” among members, thereby minimising absenteeism and practising economy in using raw materials and other production facilities. Productivity consciousness seems like an etiquette or mode of behaviour more than a mindset. Maybe it started out as etiquette and shapeshifted into a mindset.&nbsp; Does productivity consciousness also obstruct the formation of other consciousness such as class and gender or does it operate in parallel? Apparently, workers were “disenchanted with productivity” in 1971 due to the National Productivity Centre not delivering what The Charter for Industrial Progress and the Productivity Code of Practice promised. One wonders if this meant that workers had not fully grasped “productivity consciousness” at this point. The National Productivity Centre which was originally under the care of the Economic Development Board was now under the watch of the Ministry of Labour. With the Ministry of Labour now in charge, productivity was now seen as an issue that concerned labour. The board consisted of tripartite cooperation between trade unions, employers and the government. This cooperation is often mistaken as subservience to the whims of capital which it is.&nbsp; The first National Productivity Campaign was launched in April 1975 by S.Rajaratnam who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time. The catchy slogan for this campaign was “Productivity is Our Business”. These ideas were transmitted through television and radio, seminars and paraphernalia such as pamphlets, key chains, posters and car decals. The focus of the National productivity Board then shifted towards promotion of productivity in the 1980s.This was when the board spearheaded and conceptualised productivity through a long term productivity campaign. Policies from this decade are largely dictated by the Economic Development Plan for the Eighties. This period was also deemed to be the second industrial revolution for Singapore. The first took place in the 1960s and focused on low skill wage labour employment. This strategy also relied heavily on foreign direct investments. There was a growing concern towards the “human aspects” of productivity. However, this might not be what one expects of the term “human aspect”. The great concern was to create conditions for capital intensive investments that required advancement in technology and automation. The workforce had to adopt “new skills, right attitudes, develop good labour management relations and work well in teams.” The “human aspect” had to cater to the needs of potential investments from foreign firms. Unfortunately for the state, two reports based on the findings of the Ministry of Labour and Economic Development Board revealed several problems about the attitude of the Singaporean worker. There was work to be done with regards to the attitude and mindsets of the workers. Job hopping seemed to be the top complaint of companies. Managerial and supervisory authority undermined for fear of causing resignations as a result of disciplining workers. Workers were also reluctant to work overtime. Nightshift was also avoided because of health concerns and missing out on their favourite television programmes(this is my favourite). Companies found that automation was not feasible because machines had to be operated continuously around the clock. The workers were essentially developing mindsets that were to their own interests. These traits began to cultivate a culture of “individualism” in the Singaporean mind. This individualism did not however facilitate positive competition or innovation. It catered more towards the absolving of responsibility from the individual who was more than happy to do the bare minimum. In its quest to raise productivity, the state was met with resistance from the attitudes of the workers. One starts to suspect that productivity consciousness is like a piece of clothing, more specifically like a uniform, only worn during occasions of socialised indoctrination. The Singaporean knows how to wear it at opportune times and take it off for the sake of self-interest. This had to be corrected as the worker had to be convinced to adopt a better mindset if there was to be any progress beyond Singapore’s reliance on foreign capital. During the National Day Rally in 1981, the then Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, made claims that “ the heart of the worker…that’s what productivity is about.”4 Productivity was a concept that the Singaporean mind had to digest and put into practice. During the launch of Productivity Month in November 1982, Lee Kuan Yew again stressed the importance of labour-management relations. “All successful management have in common a man-centred philosophy. Healthy labour-management relations and good work attitudes amongst all workers depend on good management philosophy in which care and concern for the workers are high in management priorities. It is more important for management to have sincere concern for their workers than to provide increasing employee benefits.”5 A nationwide productivity movement was launched in 1981 to aid the development of a productive workforce, personnel management and industrial relations. This was intentionally labelled as a movement instead of a campaign because it was intended to be continuous. To make the message friendlier or palatable, a mascot was conceived to give an identity to the movement. This mascot took the form of a bee and was named “Teamy”. A bee was selected because of its association with positive traits such as high productivity and teamwork. Simultaneously, having found no solution for its reliance on foreign capital, Singapore also began to look towards Japan as a source of inspiration in the 1980s.&nbsp; In commemoration of the opening of the new National Productivity Board building in 1986, a mural with the eight doctrines of productivity was presented by the Japanese Productivity Centre. Productivity symbolises one of the highest values that mankind should persistently pursue Productivity is a concept which signifies a creative culture and brings about the material and spiritual welfare of the human race Productivity helps to create peace, strengthens democracy, and generates co-operative efforts among a country’s government, business and, labour leaders Productivity represents a basic code of behaviour that should govern the conduct of each and every kind of group or organisation, be it political, governmental, economic, social or familial Productivity enhances the potential of human beings Productivity restores the sanctity of labour Productivity represents a model for individual growth and development The basic concept of productivity is the vehicle by which the fruits of improved productivity lead to expanded employment opportunities and are fairly distributed among management, labour, and the consumer6 The Japanese managed to devise their own management systems that were quite different from the west and these systems seemed to have inspired higher productivity levels among the workers. This was a source of inspiration to the ruling body of Singapore. I believe that these “eight basic doctrines” are the true tenets of productivity consciousness but the state was having a hard time trying to inculcate these values into Singaporeans. The inability to do so might have resulted in the tightening of social control. This could have taken shape in certain ideas like “Asian Values”. 1. Woon Kin Chung and Loo Ya Lee. 50 Years of Singapore’s Productivity Drive. World Scientific, 26 Dec. 2017.2. United Nations, A Proposed Industrialisation Programme for the State.&nbsp;United Nations Commissioner for Technical Assistance, Department of Economics and Social Affairs 1963.3-4. Woon Kin Chung, and Loo Ya Lee. 50 Years of Singapore’s Productivity Drive. World Scientific, 26 Dec. 2017.5. National Day Rally Speech, 1981. 6. Woon Kin Chung and Loo Ya Lee. 50 Years of Singapore’s Productivity Drive. World Scientific, 26 Dec. 2017. https://grossnationaldistress.com/Asian-values Thu, 08 May 2025 15:07:32 +0000 Gross National Distress https://grossnationaldistress.com/Asian-values Asian values In 1975, S. Rajaratnam gave a speech on Asian values in relation to modernisation and made the claim that Asian values or Asian “anything” may exist as an image but it has no reality. The objective of his speech was not to elaborate on “Asian values”. His true intention was to refute the notion that “Western values” proved superior in the journey towards modernisation.&nbsp;He also points out the problem of moral relativism in the West and blames this on liberties afforded to individuals. “Traditional society might have erred in too rigid and sometimes irrational demarcation between right and wrong. But in the West in the name of progress nobody is clear as to what is right and what is wrong. The important thing is that everyone has the right to do his own thing. Authority and social discipline are constraints on personal freedom.”1 He also emphasizes that in developing countries such as Singapore, “Western Values” are detrimental to the state's existence. A life and death situation hangs on the loose thread that is ‘Asian Values’. “But I know for certain that for Third World countries like Singapore, Western values as propagated by the Liberal Establishment would be fatal not only to modernisation but to our survival.”2 C.Y. Hoon states how the weaponization of “Asian Values” also contains a kind of relativism. “The prime tactical premise of the 'Asian values' argument is cultural relativism. The argument is only comprehensible in relation to its 'Other'. The 'West' is essentialized and seen as the homogeneous 'Other'. Consensus, harmony, unity and community are values that are commonly proposed as the essence of Asian culture and identity.”3 C.Y. Hoon also clearly defines the premises of “Asian Values” as declared by the state. In this way, the state attempts to establish its own third way through ‘Asian Values’. “The 'Asian values' theory, in brief, makes four claims.&nbsp; First, human rights are not universal and neither can they be globalized. They emerge differently according to the context of particular social, economic, cultural and political conditions. Second, Asian societies are not centered on the individual but on the family. The nation is like a big family. It supposedly comes naturally for Asians to let the combined interests of the family and the nation go before the interests of each individual. Third, Asian societies rank social and economic rights over individual's political rights. Finally, the right of a nation to self-determination includes a government's domestic jurisdiction over human rights. This implies that other nations should not interfere with the internal affairs of a state, including its human rights policy.”4 Similar to factories approproating the term “family”, the state also invokes the image of the family through the vehicle of ‘Asian Values’. “Asian values advocates assert that a nation is like a big family, the government is seen as the unchallengeable 'father' who is obliged to exercise both the disciplinarian and custodial roles, and society is deemed to be the children rights on developing countries is a who ought to obey the father in all circumstance.”5 This is also mentioned in State Fatherhood: The Politics of Nationalism, Sexuality, and Race in Singapore by Janadas Devan and Geraldine Heng. “State fatherhood specifically requires, of course, the intimate articulation of the traditional family with the modern state, and the ostensible homology of the one to the other, claimed by Singapore Confucianism, facilitates and guarantees the transfer of the paternal signifier from the family to the state, the metaphor of state as family then rendering "natural" an "omnipotent government”.”6 The duality or binary of West versus East is also tied to ideas of self versus selflessness. Obedience is seen as an Asian trait in contrast to liberalism that is postured by the West.&nbsp;However, C.Y. Hoon also brings to attention how the Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew denied that he had given prominence to 'Asian values'. &nbsp; “Lee claimed that he had always advocated 'Confucian' values,&nbsp; &nbsp; demonstrating the importance of Confucian ethics as essential&nbsp; &nbsp; ingredients of East Asia's economic growth.”7 This delves further into a particular school of East Asian thought that indicates the state’s underlying objective of enforcing hierarchical systems.&nbsp;This could also be justification for the state’s strategies to stay in power through the continuity in ideologies. Geraldine Heng and Janadas Devan also indicate how Confucianism creates a system that is conducive to the industrial and social needs of state power. “The very discovery of Confucianism is articulated by the need to manage, not to resist, an increasingly successful industrial nation. Confucianism accordingly is promoted in Singapore as constitutive of the rational organisation of society, and has itself been submitted to stringent inquiry, that it might be systematically delivered as an object of knowledge, a rational and authoritative epistemology.”8 Albert Winsemius mentions how similarities between Confucianism and Calvinism may have been the reason how he was able to gel so well with the ruling party of Singapore. He also mentions that the “centre in Calvinist thinking is the family.”9 However, he does mention that in Confucianism one has to respect and obey the magistrate, unless they disregard their heavenly responsibility which is also similar in Calvinism. The individual has the “right of revolt” if the government misbehaves. This is not reflected in the state’s version of Confucianism as C.Y. Hoon points out. “Not coincidentally, Confucius' teachings about paying respect and deference to one's government had been given special highlight by the Singaporean press whereas one that teaches that a vicious, man-eating tiger is less frightful than an oppressive Government had hardly been mentioned.”10 Geraldine Heng and Janadas Devan labels this “internalised orientalism” that also engenders power through state fathering.&nbsp; “Whether it provisions the state with a schematic Confucianist system of knowledge or selected statistics from genetics and sociobiology, internalised orientalism serves a paternal master: a gendered formation of power absorbed in fantasmatic repetition, and seeking a reliable machinery of efficient self-regeneration.”11 In thinking about regeneration of state power, S.Rajaratnam speaks about the importance of distinguishing between the strong and disciplined versus the corrupt and tyrannical. “There is confusion between strong and disciplined government and misgovernment by the corrupt and the tyrannical. Until the Third World can clear up this confusion, modernisation will be nothing more than the breaking down of the order without anything new and hopeful to take its place.”12 One speculates that this seems to be more of a blurred line than a clear one in our current times. The state might also want to consider the option of the “benevolent government” if it was still interested in engaging with Confucian values. 1-2. Seah, Chee Meow. Asian Values &amp; Modernization. Ohio University Press, 1977.3-5. Hoon, Chang Yau. Revisiting the Asian Values Argument Used by Asian Political Leaders and Its Validity. Vol. 32, no. 2, 2004. 6. Ong, Aihwa and Peletz, Michael G. Bewitching Women, Pious Men: Gender and Body Politics in Southeast Asia. Berkeley, Calif., University Of California Press, 1995. 7. Hoon, Chang Yau. Revisiting the Asian Values Argument Used by Asian Political Leaders and Its Validity. Vol. 32, no. 2, 2004.8. Ong, Aihwa and Peletz, Michael G. Bewitching Women, Pious Men: Gender and Body Politics in Southeast Asia. Berkeley, Calif., University Of California Press, 1995.9. Quah, Euston et al. Albert Winsemius and Singapore: Here It Is Going to Happen. World Scientific, 2022. 10. Hoon, Chang Yau. Revisiting the Asian Values Argument Used by Asian Political Leaders and Its Validity. Vol. 32, no. 2, 2004. 11. Ong, Aihwa and Peletz, Michael G. Bewitching Women, Pious Men: Gender and Body Politics in Southeast Asia. Berkeley, Calif., University Of California Press, 1995. 12. Seah, Chee Meow. Asian Values &amp; Modernization. Ohio University Press, 1977. https://grossnationaldistress.com/Cleanliness Thu, 08 May 2025 15:20:07 +0000 Gross National Distress https://grossnationaldistress.com/Cleanliness Cleanliness Cleanliness is also a strategy that has been one of Singapore’s tools for removing obstructions to productivity. In May 1967, Lee Kuan Yew addressed a team known as the Cleansing Staff who were supposedly part of the&nbsp; Cleansing Department and standard of cleansing maintenance. The word “cleansing” is used instead of “cleaning” which seems to also indicate a thorough revamp of the state that would reach beyond the physical and into the minds of Singaporeans. His speech titled, The Future of Singapore Depends Heavily Upon Its Cleanliness emphasized how dire the task of cleaning was. He began by speaking about how the practices of trade unions were an obstruction to the cleansing aspirations of the state which also seems to point fingers at “militant unionism” that was mentioned earlier. “The history of the trade union movement here is, in large part, the history of our political struggle. You were afraid of the white boss who kept you down, so we organised them to fight this. But, in the process, it became distorted, and trade unionism, instead of just giving self-respect and self-discipline, became a cover for rackets, indiscipline and inefficiency.”1 The decision to mention the “cleansing” of unions also indicates the significance of labour relations in achieving a “clean Singapore”. Disciplining the trade unions can be seen as a reflection of a wider strategy to “tidy up” systems of governance. “And the trade unionists of the supervisees' came to feel that, as fellow trade unionists, they had to protect themselves, protect one another. Here again, I think trade unionism has become perverted partly also because it was allowed in the old days - and this is one of the things I have to live with, because I fought for these things though for different reasons, mind you - it was allowed for the supervisor and the supervisee to join the same union. It then became inevitable that the supervision would feel a kind of fellow trade union feeling and say, ‘Well let's go slow on him. After all, we all belong to the same union. The employer pays. Why worry?’ The employer pays but, in the end, it is the country which pays because productivity goes down.”2 With the new disciplining of trade unions and labour in tact, the cleansing machine face its biggest problem - the public.&nbsp; “The first half is that the cleansing machine must be efficient. The workers on the ground, the supervisors, the equipment they are given, the overall planning, the system of clearance - all that must be efficient. But the other half is the man who creates rubbish - the public. And this is a point, which I think will play a very important part in your work over the next phase of this campaign to make this really one of the cleanest cities in Asia.”3 This issue then corrected through punishment which might be understood as a form of social conditioning. “So we put the machine to work first. Clean up! Double, treble the cleaning capacity! And we punish the chap who persistently refuses to conform.”4 Lee Kuan Yew states the uplifting of morale as his reason for cleansing the state. Positive morale of a population must be engineered through the cultivation of a social habit according to Lee Kuan Yew who does not see it as an issue of class. Here he also demonstrates the tightness of control that the state will exercise over citizens to achieve the goal of cleansing. “We will develop this very tightly organised, highly disciplined society, educate our young and maintain standards, imbue them with a series of social responsibility and group discipline. Every house, every factory that is built, every machinery that is sunk in the ground may not be yours in the individual sense, but it is ours, you know, collectively.”5 The “Keep Singapore Clean” campaign was also launched in the following year, 1968, along with the industrial relations (amendment) act and the employment act. The tidying up of physical space in Singapore is also accompanied with the tidying up of labour policy. In his collection of essays titled Air-conditioned Nation, Cherian George compares the government of Singapore to the semiconductor industry. The ruling party(The People’s Action Party) values efficiency and does its best to remove any pollutants that they view as a hindrance to their goals. Similar to the semiconductor industry where in the clean potential pollutants are removed to guarantee that the chips are built to the highest quality. “The People’s Action Party’s (PAP) vision for politics is reminiscent of the semiconductor plants that add prodigiously to Singapore’s balance of trade. Some of the most important work there takes place in dust free environments where miniaturised electronic circuits are etched onto silicon wafers. The technicians are covered head-to-toe in white smocks, which they slip into just before entering the air conditioned rooms, to ensure that they do not introduce foreign particles that would ruin the manufacturing process. These clean room bunny-suited workers have become one of the icons of Singapore’s high technology economy.”6 Productivity as imagined by the ruling party cannot exist without the state’s control. To the state, tighter control will lead to higher productivity. “Sometimes, it is as if the PAP wished politics were more like this: conducted in an antiseptic environment, geared to high valued-added productivity, and with all participants agreeing to keep it clean-or stay out.”7 This ironically leads to the state not clearly stating guidelines for how individuals can manoeuvre the political out-of-bound markers. The original intention to cleanse systems of control seems to have halted in the realm of politics. Clarity that was afforded to other initiatives did not apply to the government. Similar to a clean room, “clean” only refers to “particle free” and this only benefits the product being manufactured. The operator is still at risk of being exposed to toxic substances during the manufacturing process.&nbsp; “Since politics-unlike a factory’s clean room-has no visible walls to tell you whether you are within or without, the government took it upon itself to determine where you stood, and treated you accordingly.”8 1-5. Address during a Meeting with the Cleansing Staff (Monthly Rated) at the Singapore Conference Hall and Trade Union House, 1967. 6-9. George, Cherian. Air-Conditioned Nation Revisited. Ethos Books, 2020. https://grossnationaldistress.com/Consciousness-and-control-in-the-factories Thu, 08 May 2025 15:29:58 +0000 Gross National Distress https://grossnationaldistress.com/Consciousness-and-control-in-the-factories Consciousness and control in the factories In consideration of how the consciousness of the worker is shaped by firms for the sake of productivity, Linda Lim details how the worker becomes individualised despite being surrounded by many co-workers.&nbsp; “New values and attitudes are introduced into the multinational labour force– a competitive work ethic, encouragement of individual effort for individual monetary gain, and the propagation of a consumption ideology aimed at fostering company loyalty and generating an incentive to work for disposable income.”1 “These may have the effect of pre-empting the development of a collective worker consciousness directed towards a reduction of exploitation, substituting instead an individualistic “feminine” consciousness which makes workers more vulnerable to exploitative labour practices by multinationals.”2 Competition against other workers for individual benefits was a strategy employed to prevent the development of class/gender consciousness. Sometimes, workers who started to buy into the perks of this competitiveness would also eventually start to clash with their own communities. Their new position as income earners gave them a sense of agency which were often scrutinised under familial structures. Linda Lim points how this agency can become an issue in their respective communities. “While women's occupational mobility may be as restricted as their social class standing, work can change their standing within the family, and the intrinsic rewards of work can change their outlooks.”3 “Conflicts induced between workers and the community over this cultural disruption and issues of weakening village patriarchy and changing sex roles divides the local population, which may inhibit the development of a broader class consciousness”4 Chung Yuen Kay addresses women’s consciousness that relates to the production process. To her this is an “important site for ‘resistance’, for pushing back the frontiers of control in the workplace.” She talks about learning from experience, &nbsp;“I was for all practical purposes an operator, not a&nbsp; &nbsp;researcher.&nbsp; And I believe that I could only have learnt what I&nbsp; &nbsp;did learn because I was an operator, and not just a researcher&nbsp; &nbsp;observing operators.”5&nbsp; She mentions having to change her perspective on “consciousness”. “I believe that my present understanding of women's consciousness is still a version, albeit my preferred version. There is not, after all, one ‘true’ reality, waiting to be discovered by some omniscient researcher. It is a preferred version that attempts to ‘make sense’ of the complexities of women’s lives without having to ‘make victims’ or ‘make heroes’ out of them.”6 Consciousness towards class or gender was also obstructed by strategies to instill a sense of rivalry among workers while also fabricating the idea of company solidarity. Linda shows examples of how prizes or incentives were meant to create competition among the operators. “Women in different assembly lines compete with each other for the prize dinner awarded monthly to the most productive line and sometimes for nothing”7 The only sense of togetherness initiated would often be for the benefit of the company. Workers from the same factory would not only compete amongst each other but also against “rival” factories. “Sometimes company solidarity is accentuated by inculcating a sense of competition with other companies in the area, which often encourages workers in one company to “snub” those of another they feel they are in rivalry with.”8 According to Chung Yuen Kay, supervisors would put up a chart of the daily targets of individual operators on the wall of workstations and this was “intended to exert pressure on the women to perform and perhaps compete with each other.”9 Again, workers were encouraged to compete with one another in a free market kind of style but&nbsp; companies would practice “information socialism” to prevent workers from being able to choose better conditions. “To control ‘job hopping’ firms in some areas agreed not to hire experienced workers who resigned from one of them and then sought workers in others–a form of effective “blacklisting” of workers who sought to exercise their free labour market right to sell their labour to the highest bidder.”10 Nadia Florman also laments that factories will replace employees without hesitation. She noticed that local and Malaysian workers in her factory were being replaced by an influx of Chinese workers as Chinese workers were faster, younger and cost effective for the company. This led to internalised competition between the workers. Here is a good example of how firms are able to pit workers against each other to ensure cost and labour efficiency. Local workers who have been with the firm for long periods of time are not ensured job security as they are inevitably forced to compete against migrant workers to benefit the capital objectives of the firms. “Aiyah you tua(old) already, you go home already, you relax”11 Chung Yan Kay identifies the need for firms to control labour Employer needs to integrate and synchronise operations, which means necessity for managers to regulate, time, control and integrate discrete aspects of work. Worker is selling potential labour power, employer has to lay down what should be done by the worker, how often and in what manner. Relationship between workers and employers characterised by conflict - owing to the discrepancy between cost of labour and the value of labour’s product. Class antagonism means that employers constantly seek to overcome through control.12 Elements that have to be controlled in relation to the purpose of control. Employers control execution, design, distribution and speed of work in order to achieve their desired levels of efficiency. Subjectivity, cooperation of workers, secure workers’ motivation to produce Management cannot trust workers fully and must control the quantity and quality of output through constant supervision.13 Hierarchy of factory that Chung yuen Kay researched/worked in: Managing director(male) Senior supervisors(male) Supervisors(all male except one female in quality control) in charge of operators(female except those carrying bulky items) Security guards(male) Technicians(male except one or two females) Administrative network - clerical workers and personnel officer(female)14 Hierarchy was sometimes disguised under the term “family”. Linda Lim points out that workers were “made to feel that they belong to the company “family” in Japanese firms. American employers also adopted this attempt to make employees feel that they are part of “one big happy family”. Chung Yuen Kay also states that by using lines like “we are one big family” or “we must work as a team”, management hoped to project an image of being “open” and “egalitarian”. Operators also often felt that the supervisor would only come in and out and ask, ‘what’s the problem?’ while the line leader, often female, had to “plan and talk to the women, do all kinds of paperwork, protest, beg them.”15 This indicates how the labour of management is also transferred to the lead operator because unlike the supervisor, she is made to do “practically everything”. Supervisors would also tend to perform “cosmetic sympathy” towards the workers to gain the trust of workers in order to get what they needed from them. The other strategy adopted by supervisors is known as the “indulgency pattern.” Supervisors would demonstrate flexibility or break certain rules in exchange for workers’ greater cooperation beyond that which was required as minimal standards. What the supervisors wanted was often to meet targets or for the workers to work overtime to increase productivity. Productivity of operators was measured through “target”. Target could refer to the amount of drives assembled, aligned or pre-tested in a working day. Operators were also timed by supervisors. Chung Yuen Kay writes in her fieldnotes, “Li Chiew, came to me, and said in low tones, afterwards when Kenneth comes to time your work, you do it slower than you actually can.”16 She also states that “the women shared the belief that management was never satisfied’’ Management would always raise the target when a worker showed the ability to do so. To the operators, it was therefore important for the women not to let it happen and to maintain what they considered were realistic levels of target. Operators did what they believed to be realistic and what was “owed” to the company. Because of this, there was an unspoken code that ruled that one woman should not display over-competence at work.&nbsp; Besides meeting targets, operators were also often asked to do OT(overtime). Nadia Florman also speaks about how supervisors in the factories that she worked at used to ask workers to work overtime to compensate for falling rates of target. However, in contrast to the experiences of Chung Yuen Kay, operators were keen to work overtime because of monetary gain. In one of her fieldnotes, Chung Yuen Kay mentions how the supervisor, Patrick, got upset when nobody signed up to work overtime on a public holiday and called for a meeting. One of the workers, Suraya, said cheekily, “it’s Deepavali and Devan Nair has invited me to his house. I am helping him to make tosai”17. C.V.Devan Nair served as the president of Singapore from 1981-1985. Suraya also reminded Patrick that overtime was a favour done to him by the workers and this upset him. He in turn threatened to be more strict with enforcing the target. The operators then collectively agreed that they would meet the target but would refuse to cooperate over future demands for OT. The process of negotiation helps the operators “to exert a degree of determination over the limits of their productivity, from keeping track of one’s own speed of work, protesting against raised targets which seem unreasonable, using the argument that the quality of their work will be compromised by excessive speed and acting against target-busters.”18 Absenteeism, for the operators, was also an avenue of exercising a degree of control over their work. “It was part of the culture of the factory that a woman who was feeling ‘xian’(burnt out)...could legitimately(in the eyes of women, not management, who saw absenteeism as a thorny problem) take a day off work off two.”19 Perhaps this is equivalent to taking a “mental day off” today? However, this was done strategically to ensure that the two days did not fall on the same half of the month to prevent any financial penalisation. Workers would also devise strategies to get what they wanted such as indirectly threatening to leave or “initiating” quarrels with a supervisor so they could be transferred to different stations. Sometimes operators would also make use of the knowledge that male supervisors would be smitten by certain female operators and use this to their advantage. This operator would then be tasked with asking for what was needed. By way of Chung Yuen Kay, Anna Pollert points out that the “use of sexual politics is a form of individual social negotiation based on gender not usually available to male workers but very common for women workers who are most often subordinated to men.”20 Nadia Florman recalls how supervisors would wait behind the equipment of workstations to shout at workers who went on too many toilet or cigarette breaks. Chung Yuen Kay observes that contrary to the docile image that is often imagined of the workers, certain strategies adopted to confront supervisors were as antagonistic as methods of enforcement. Having been told not to go to the toilet, one particular operator intentionally walked around aimlessly and even challenged the supervisor by exclaiming that she was going for her break. Shouting matches would also sometimes ensue. One operator Yen Lan told Chung Yuen Kay that shouting back was a solution sometimes as the supervisor would not know how to react. “All you have to do is to shout louder than him and he would be scared”21 There was also a difference in how male and female workers were treated. Female workers would often be terminated or threatened with warning letters while male workers who would retaliate were often less antagonised with threats. Retaliation in the form of physical violence was to be handled carefully. This however did not mean that female workers did not fight back. Female workers did so through different strategies that were feasible to them. Often operators would&nbsp; find ways to exist in a functional space between refusal and cooperation with management. This enabled them to view their position as one beyond the role of “oppressed victims”. Chung Yuen Kay recalls how she did not understand why workers were able to be jovial despite being “oppressed”. This led to her questioning misperceptions she had developed through theoretical impositions.&nbsp; “A funny thing happened. On my way to the lunchroom before making for the bus-stop. A group of operators, none I recognise, was heading for the same direction, all laughing, chatting, in good spirits. At the door, they forged ahead of me, and I was forced to let them pass. I sort of glared at their retreating backs and feeling this sudden well of resentment, thought, very reasonably, how can you be so happy? What’s so great about your life? You should be feeling oppressed! Felt immediately remorseful and ashamed tho!”22 “Who the hell was I to go round telling other women what they should feel?”231-4. Lim, Linda. Women Workers in Multinational Corporations. 1978.5-6. Chung, Yuen Kay. Negotiating Target. 1 Jan. 1988. 7-8. Lim, Linda. Women Workers in Multinational Corporations. 1978. 9. Chung, Yuen Kay. Negotiating Target. 1 Jan. 1988.10. Lim, Linda. Women Workers in Multinational Corporations. 1978. 11. Interview with Nadia Florman conducted by Shaza Ishak, 2025.12-23. Chung, Yuen Kay. Negotiating Target. 1 Jan. 1988. https://grossnationaldistress.com/Network-of-operators Thu, 08 May 2025 15:44:05 +0000 Gross National Distress https://grossnationaldistress.com/Network-of-operators Network of operators In her essay, Chung Yuen Kay observed that there was a ‘tradition’ of factory work amongst female relatives for many of the women she interacted with. The women had mothers, sisters and cousins working in factories before they did who introduce and initiate them into factory labour. Nadia Florman was also introduced to temporary factory work through her mother. She also had an aunt who was working in the factory. Because her mother was really well liked, she was treated well by other colleagues who saw her as an innocent youngling. She also recalls a story about how she met Zainab Mahmood on a bus. In this conversation, Zainab Mahmood recognised Nadia Florman to be the daughter of a colleague and asked if she would like to give her daughter tuition. In this way operators built a network of their own that helped to develop relationships and to a certain extent provide mutual care. Former factory worker Nadia Florman also speaks about how the operators who she called “aunties” would bring her snacks such as cakes or cookies. According to Chung Yuen Kay, operators ate as occasions for sociability. Lead operators would also intentionally turn a blind eye to the sharing of sweets or snacks. Perhaps in this way food could be seen as a non-verbal bonding agent for the workers. Other items that provided similar comforts were also occasionally snuck into the workstations. As recounted by Chung Yuen kay, “Despite the ban on personal belongings, the women sometimes managed to smuggle in items such as photograph albums, women’s magazine, or song books, and these would now be pored over and discussed. If not women would chat about their weekends, or happenings during the previous day’s OT(overtime work). Tales of nastiness of a particularly disliked second shift supervisor, Kenneth, would sometimes be swapped.”1 The private becomes an interactional outcome as women&nbsp; seize control of moments of privacy, creating ‘private’ spheres within the workplace. In addition to that, operators also found pockets in these spaces to be playful. &nbsp;&nbsp; “displays of exaggerated reaction to any slightly out of the&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; ordinary happening, such as when one operator dropped a carton&nbsp; &nbsp; or pen. A chorus of mock protest, comments would be initiated,&nbsp; &nbsp; and wildly improbable stories would be spun to explain why&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; this had happened, with various women joining in.”2 This is referred to as ‘leisure in work’ or ‘coffee-time’, ‘peach-time’ or ‘banana-time’. The importance of language was also vital to the creation of networks in the factory amongst workers. Nadia Florman points out that through language, workers were able to understand and communicate with each other. This led to workers feeling less alienated with each other. Workers from Malaysia who were ethnically Indian and Chinese were able to speak Malay and this enabled them to socially blend in with the Singaporean factory workers. Nadia Florman mentions how her former colleagues built camaraderie through laughter and jokes. “When a bunch of women get together and hang loose at any age group. There is a strong camaraderie or kinship. They are constantly talking about sex. Always trying to shock us younger ones.”3 “It’s always with a strong dash of humour and comedy. There was always a comedian in the group. A couple of them. They always have some quip or quote. It was funny. You just cannot help but to laugh.”4 Similar to experiences recounted by Chung Yuen Kay,&nbsp; the effect of such ‘private’ spheres was that it subverted the dominant reality of discipline and control, it created an atmosphere of ‘play’ as opposed to strictly ‘work’. Nadia Florman also recalls how her fellow factory workers were happy for her when she did well in her ‘A’ level exams. The other operators would say, “belajar pandai(good at her studies)… Nadia pandai(clever). In other scenarios, fellow operators would refrain from “disturbing” her when she wanted to read her books. They would say, “we leave her alone, she likes her books, let her read.” Support is displayed through vocal affirmation and the accommodation of alone time. The sharing of stories was also a way that operators would bond with each other. In certain instances, fellow operators would share very private details of their lives.&nbsp; “There is also the other margin of society that I am not aware of. People coming from rental blocks and they come from generational poverty. Some of their stories are unbelievable.”5 Nadia Florman felt that these stories helped to form a deeper understanding of both Singaporean and Malaysian workers who were not from backgrounds that were similar to hers. “They really embodied the mother persona. All of them looked really tired. They've been doing this for years, decades. Their days were long and hard… they get very little sleep but somehow they are super beautiful, super nice, super loving. I gained a little bit more perspective over how people like my mom tried to get out there to earn money for themselves.”6 1-2. Chung, Yuen Kay. Negotiating Target. 1 Jan. 1988.3-6. Interview with Nadia Florman conducted by Shaza Ishak, 2025. https://grossnationaldistress.com/Flatted-factories-as-sites-of-visions Thu, 08 May 2025 15:47:39 +0000 Gross National Distress https://grossnationaldistress.com/Flatted-factories-as-sites-of-visions Flatted factories as sites of visions In Singapore, flatted factories are a common sight due to the scarcity of land area. According to the book, Theatres of Memory, these flatted factories come in different shapes that resemble the alphabets, H, I, L, T and Z. The letters A to G were probably too hard to model these factories after. There is only one that has the U shape and it was the first to be built. This U shaped flatted factory is located in an area called Commonwealth Drive. Similar to a flat, such factories were built skywards and could house several tenants within a small amount of land. These factories were already operational in Hong Kong, Denmark and the United Kingdom too. Located conveniently close to residential areas, these factories were easily accessible by workers who initially were mostly housewives. However, as described by individuals who share their stories in this publication, the demographics of factory workers would change continuously as Singapore started to face problems of labour shortage. These factories were also the sites of MPI outbreaks.The first in a series of such outbreaks occurred in 1973 and took place in a light industrial estate comprising blocks of flatted factories. These factories are located in the Kallang Basin which is in the east side of Singapore. The buildings still stand but the companies have changed. <img width="602" height="155" src="https://lh7-rt.googleusercontent.com/docsz/AD_4nXfbQPRR2rXunjI5xAo6gjEJsfwIxMtyqkczjj58K6c-OZrOu-fEcZMMUUEPM65sH0zn5g4SNEZTf0kAH8LTrhPw5rBvuIxi9qHjs4Ojc_1Pc291jihn3esVGRnP5wtb6kQchyxfjw?key=o5NpmlPeTUem_FiIVmtwMPk7" style="width: 602px; height: 155px;"> Nadia Florman mentions how these factories would be housed in several neighbouring blocks and there were some blocks that were more rife with otherworldly activities. Certain floors would be occupied by hantu(spirits). Other areas such as the stairwell, corridor or toilets were often spaces to be avoided when alone. She recounts how other factory workers would be concerned for her when she was resting by the stairs during breaks, “What are you doing here? Be careful, you not scared eh?”1 These were boundaries set by the collective imagination and workers were obliged to comply. The design of such places controlled the movement of workers as local cosmologies were imbued onto certain spaces that were not often populated. Physical space would mirror the psychological as workers demarcate territories of anxiety and fear in these buildings. This sentiment was felt strongest in the toilets. Aihwa Ong states that the construction of buildings does not consider local belief systems. “For Malays, the places occupied by evil spirits are nonhuman territories like swamps, jungles, and bodies of water. These amoral domains were kept distant from women's bodies by ideological and physical spatial regulations. The construction of modern buildings, often without regard for Malay concern about moral space, displaces spirits, which take up residence in the toilet tank.”2 This belief has also been adopted by other communities of Singapore and Malaysia too. Acknowledgement of otherworldly entities by workers in the factories also serves as a premise for how incidents of MPI take form in Singapore. Incidents are mostly attributed to spirit attacks. Similar to incidents that occurred in Malaysia as explained by Aihwa Ong. “In the factory environment, "spirit attacks" (kena hantu) was often used interchangeably with "mass hysteria," a term adopted from English language press reports on such incidents. In the manager's view, "hysteria" was a symptom of physical adjustment as the women workers "move from home idleness to factory discipline." This explanation also found favor with some members of the workforce. Scientific terms like "penyakit histeria" (hysteria sickness), and physiological preconditions formulated by the management, became more acceptable to some workers.”3 1. Interview with Nadia Florman conducted by Shaza Ishak, 2025.2-3. Ong, Aihwa. “The Production of Possession: Spirits and the Multinational Corporation in Malaysia.” American Ethnologist, vol. 15, no. 1, 1988.